The Uttar Pradesh government has banned rallies held in the name of caste. Political parties are now prohibited from organizing rallies based on caste affiliations. Events such as Kurmi-Kushwaha rallies, Dalit-Brahmin rallies, Yadav-Kurmi rallies, and gatherings for Ahir, Jat, Gujjar, and Rajput communities will no longer be permitted. Furthermore, vehicles are restricted from displaying caste-related identifiers such as ‘Brahmin,’ ‘Gujjar,’ ‘Jat,’ ‘Kshatriya,’ or ‘Yadav.’ This directive from Yogi Adityanath’s government follows a ruling by the Allahabad High Court, which instructed that the caste of an accused should not be mentioned in police reports. Although there were previous orders regarding the non-display of caste on vehicle number plates, and penalties for violations, these rules have often been disregarded. Section 179(1) of the Motor Vehicles Act considers this unlawful.
Despite the existing law, both the general public and political workers have consistently violated this provision. Individuals affiliated with the ruling party often prominently display their caste on their vehicles. They also use party flags, sirens, and red lights, with police often overlooking these infractions. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath had, upon assuming power in 2017, decided to eliminate the use of sirens and lights on vehicles, but this was not enforced. While vehicles displaying caste markers could be penalized under Section 179(1), the lack of enforcement remains a concern.
Section 179(1) of the Motor Vehicles Act is applicable nationwide, yet caste and religious stickers have never been removed. Black screens on side or rear windows have also been largely ignored. This suggests a sense of pride in openly displaying caste affiliations. Individuals openly jump red lights, overtake from the wrong side, and occupy the right-most lane on toll roads using government stickers. Moreover, stray animals roam freely on toll roads, and the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) often turns a blind eye.
The condition of expressways in the states is even worse. Though speed limits of 100 km/h are set, drivers often travel at 170-200 km/h, resulting in accidents during winters or rainy seasons. Governments and law enforcement agencies often neglect this issue. Toll-free numbers provided are often unanswered. Accidents occur even at the prescribed speed due to the absence of warnings about obstacles or diversions, leading to sudden braking and crashes. Neither influential individuals nor state governments have consistently adhered to the law or fulfilled their responsibilities.
There has been a history of neglecting marginalized castes. Chaudhary Charan Singh, a staunch advocate for removing caste-based identifiers from public places and schools/colleges, proposed a resolution in the United Provinces Legislative Party in 1939 to prevent the mention of caste before the names of public servants, with only Scheduled Castes being given a choice to opt-in. However, the Congress Party decided in February 1951 that no member would be associated with any caste organization. By then, the Congress had built a solid vote bank, making the votes of marginalized castes unnecessary. A similar situation existed with the Communist parties.
When Chaudhary Charan Singh left the Congress, the reality became apparent. As Chief Minister in the Samyukta Vidhayak Dal government, he ordered that caste names should not be used in caste-based educational institutions. After 1967, the prestigious Balwant Rajput College in Agra became Raja Balwant Singh College, and the Kanay Kubj College in Kanpur and Lucknow became Brahmanand College and Jai Narayan College, respectively. Etawa’s Kurmi Kshatriya College was renamed Karmakshetra College, and Shikohabad’s Ahir Kshatriya College was renamed Adarsh Krishna College. His government was supported by the former Jan Sangh of the BJP, the Swatantra Party, the Socialist Party, the Praja Socialist Party, and the Communist Party. He had formed the BKD (Bharatiya Kranti Dal) at that time.
However, it was Chaudhary Charan Singh’s successors who engaged in caste-based politics. The political parties that inherited his legacy, despite his opposition to casteism, expanded their reach through caste organizations. For any party, caste mobilization became the only way to win elections. When the Congress lost its support base in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, it was because it lacked a caste-based vote. From 2004 to 2014, the Congress managed to remain in power at the center with the help of these caste-based parties. In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the Hindu consolidation behind the BJP caused the regional parties to fail. Religious polarization tends to outweigh caste divisions. Now, the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister has banned rallies by caste organizations, partly to prevent the fragmentation of Hindu votes.
The Congress, which once proclaimed, ‘No caste, no creed, vote for the hand!’ (the Congress party symbol), now sees the benefits of caste politics. Rahul Gandhi advocates for a caste-based census. The caste system has become so deeply entrenched that breaking the BJP’s religious consolidation is almost impossible without reaching the inner levels of some castes. The BJP also understands this dynamic. Even the GEN-Z youth are trapped within caste boundaries. Caste-based politics is clearly visible on Reels, Instagram, X, Facebook, and YouTube, and this trend is becoming increasingly dangerous. While controlling this is essential, the most crucial aspect is to strictly enforce the rules against displaying caste names and affiliations in public spaces.
Recently, legislators from a specific caste in Uttar Pradesh formed their own platform, with the interesting fact that all legislators from that caste, including those from the BJP, participated. This process is expected to extend to literature, art, and journalism. The caste pride that had been bottled up since independence has suddenly resurfaced on social media. The caste census will further intensify this trend. The combination of advocating for a caste-based census while simultaneously trying to curb it is an anomaly. The Chief Minister’s order is welcome, but public servants must abandon their caste affiliations to prevent further caste-based games.
