The streets of Kathmandu once again bear the scars of smoke and fire. The parliament burns, and Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli has resigned. Yet, even after the deaths of approximately 50 people, the public’s anger remains unquenched. This is not merely a response to a social media ban or corruption; it is a fresh chapter in Nepal’s cyclical history, where every rebellion, every movement, promises change but delivers only disappointment. The government changes, new faces emerge, but the roots of social justice, equality, and genuine democracy never run deep, and the consequences are always the same: unfulfilled hopes breed the next storm.
Every incomplete revolution in Nepal’s history has been documented. The aim of the revolution was not just to change the government, but it was the first attempt at equality and justice, and today’s voices, whether violent or peaceful, echo the same old hunger for justice and equality that has been incomplete for decades. This article will delve into the layers of this incomplete struggle, and see if something will really change this time, or if the same deception will be received? Let’s look into the mirror of history.
In 1951, the Rana oligarchy in Nepal fell, made possible by the partnership of the Nepali Congress, left-wing groups, and King Tribhuvan. Although the king was reinstated through Indian mediation, political parties were recognized, and elections were promised. This movement was considered a new dawn of freedom in Nepal. But as the book Nepali Kranti Ki Katha says, it was only half a revolution: the monarchy was still in power, the bureaucracy remained the same, and the promises of democracy were weak.
In 1959, B.P. Koirala became Prime Minister for the first time democratically, but only 18 months later, King Mahendra dismissed him, dissolved the parliament, and put him in jail, and then the Panchayat system was imposed in Nepal. Thus the hopes of 1951 were left hanging, and Nepal remained trapped in the web of guided democracy for three decades.
From 1960 to 1990, political parties were banned, dissent was suppressed, and democratic voices were silenced. Frustration began to boil over among students, laborers, and underground workers, who had been fighting for their rights and representation for years, but they were repeatedly thwarted by the structure of the state. Plans for reforms in education, health, and administration remained on paper; nothing changed on the ground. Gradually, discontent spread, and small rebellions arose.
In the late 1980s, economic crisis, corruption, and inequality brought the public’s anger to a head. Finally, in 1990, the public took to the streets, with thousands of protesters revolting, and dozens of deaths occurred. Eventually, King Birendra Shah had to bow down and the path to multi-party democracy opened. This rebellion was not only against the monarchy but also became a symbol of the suppressed voices, which sowed the seeds of democratic consciousness in Nepal.
When the new constitution of 1990 came, a wave of hope ran through the people of Nepal. Nepal moved into constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy. For the first time after years of harsh monarchy and inequality, people saw an open political process, and people were excited that life would now change. Parties were in the race for power, but mutual discord and internal conflicts weighed down again, and stability could not be achieved.
From 1991 to 2001, nine governments went around. Dalits, Janjati, Madhesi, and women remained far from power. There was no special improvement in education, health, and development in rural areas. Democracy was limited to the glamour of the capital, while the roots of inequality deepened in the backward areas. The public felt that the change was just a show of the cities, in reality, justice was far away, and this feeling sowed the seeds of a storm like the Maoist rebellion in the public.
In 1996, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) took up arms and launched an armed rebellion. Their people’s war was a dream of overthrowing the monarchy and creating an inclusive republic. It was not just a fight for power, but a call of the people against the inequalities of caste, class, and gender. This fire kept Nepal burning for 10 years. More than 17,000 deaths, thousands missing, and the rural economy was shattered. The rebellion proved that marginalized communities were ready to raise their suppressed voices. But the government’s response was very cruel. Violent police operations, detentions, and fear prevailed.
In 2001, the royal family massacre, in which King Birendra and many of his family members were killed, weakened the legitimacy of the monarchy. After this, in 2005, King Gyanendra’s attempt to seize power united the Maoists and mainstream parties.
In April 2006, the people’s movement II made history. Millions of people took to the streets, broke the curfew, and demanded democracy at the squares of Kathmandu. Sher Bahadur Deuba of the Nepali Congress, Prachanda of the Maoist Party, and Baburam Bhattarai gave direction to the public outrage, and social demands were brought to the national forum. It was not just a struggle of the parties but a symbol of long despair, injustice, and the aspiration for true democracy.
With Indian mediation and international pressure, King Gyanendra had to bow down, the monarchy was abolished, and Nepal was declared a republic. The Maoists joined the peace process, and the constitution-making began. This was a turning point for Nepal. For the first time, the monarchy was challenged, and the foundation of an inclusive republic was laid. The participation of the people made it the golden moment of the modern history of Nepal.
Then the first constituent assembly of 2008 to 2012 got stuck in deadlock, so the second was elected in 2013 and a new constitution came in 2015, which promised federalism, secularism, and republicanism. This was a new era of democracy for Nepal, and the hope of stability and justice arose. But minority communities like Madhesi and Tharu felt excluded from it.
In April 2015, a terrible earthquake struck, and the country was badly broken, and the blockade on the Indian border doubled the pain. Constitutional flaws and unequal development again brought out the old tensions. It proved that democracy is incomplete without structural changes.
After 2015, the Republic of Nepal was formed, but still the promises remained unfulfilled. Congress, UML, and Maoist governments stumbled in their responsibilities. Federalism was limping, local administration was weak, development was hampered by lack of resources. Corruption spread, employment for youth was limited, and there was only nominal improvement in education and health. Life remained the same in rural and border areas. But in 2022, Balendra Shah alias Balen became the mayor of Kathmandu – became a folk hero, illegal constructions were removed, and accountability was increased. Their popularity shows that the public wants transparent leadership, although this has not completely changed national instability.
On September 8, Gen-Z rebellion occurred, and the youth of Nepal shook the whole system, and everything was destroyed in front of their storm of anger. The resignation of PM K.P. Sharma Oli on September 9, 2025 is not an ordinary event, it is a big explosion of decades of accumulated disappointment. Smoke, violence, and parliament burning in Kathmandu, this is perhaps the account of all the incomplete revolutions.
The end of the Rana rule in 1951, but the monarchy remained, in 1960, King Mahendra dismissed B.P. Koirala and implemented the Panchayat system. In 1990, multi-party democracy came, but governments like Koirala, and Deuba failed to bring stability.
From 1996 to 2006, the Maoist people’s war brought out the social and ethnic divisions of the country. Despite the agreement of 2006 with the government of Sher Bahadur Deuba and Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda, there were inequalities in the constitution-making and many promises remained unfulfilled. In 2015, the constitution was implemented, but many groups felt excluded, and their faith in the democratic process weakened. Today, the wave of outrage that has risen on the streets of Nepal is not only of the current political instability, but also the result of this incomplete account and repeated postponement of hopes.
The youth of Nepal on the streets in 2025 are the generation of the internet and social media. Unemployment is above 20%, millions of youth are looking for jobs abroad, and corruption is rampant in the country. In such a situation, when the government banned social media, the youth intensified their protest through VPN and Discord. Even after the resignation of Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli, the protests did not stop. Because after every movement, the old leaders of Nepal promised a new system, but as soon as they came to power, there was the same family rule, corruption, and distance from the public.
Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda had said in 2006, the common people are the real strength, we will not break their trust. But today, allegations of corruption are leveled against his party. Former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba’s statement is – the youth are our backbone, but it takes time to change the system.
After every revolution, power returns to the old faces. The constitution changes, but the system does not. Political analyst Roman Gautam writes – in Nepal, every change starts from the streets, but ends with bargaining in closed rooms. Even after the 2015 constitution, the Madhesi and Janjati communities continued to feel isolated. In the 2025 movement, the main demands of the youth – accountability, transparency, and employment – are still incomplete.
25% of Nepal’s economy comes from remittances, i.e. from the youth working abroad. There is a lack of investment in the country, the education system is weak, and there is no transparency in government jobs. The youth say – we do not want to go abroad, we want a future in our country.
Demonstrators have a new strategy – social media, digital campaigns, and reaching their voices to the international media. But the old parties are again on the path of dialogue, agreement, and promises. Political experts warn – if the demands of the youth are not met, then Nepal may see another lost decade.
